By Amos Harel
This is the 1st complete account of the development of the second one Lebanese warfare, from the border abduction of an Israeli soldier at the morning of July 12, 2006, during the hasty selection for an competitive reaction; the fateful discussions within the cupboard and the senior Israeli command; to the heavy combating in south Lebanon and the raging diplomatic battles in Paris, Washington and New York.
The booklet solutions the subsequent questions: has Israel realized the ideal classes from this failed military confrontation? What can Western international locations research from the IDF's failure opposed to a fundamentalist Islamic terror organization? And what position did Iran and Syria play during this affair?
34 Days delivers the 1st blow-by-blow account of the Lebanon warfare and new insights for the way forward for the quarter and its results at the West.
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Extra resources for 34 Days: Israel, Hezbollah, and the War in Lebanon
B. c. Equally between Christians and Muslims Proportionately between the denominations of each sect Proportionately between the districts2 This would take place in the summer of 1992, on the basis of territorial distribution. The Ta’if Accord, which emphasized the increased power of the Lebanese government, ordered Hezbollah to conform to new Lebanese laws—refraining from bloodshed—but allowed the organization to continue. ” Israel, which believed that by assassinating Moussawi it had succeeded in ridding itself of a stubborn foe, has had since then to contend with one of the most highly esteemed people in Lebanon and the entire Middle East.
According to Oren Barak of the Hebrew University in Jerusalem, however, since the 1982 elections, it is the Lebanese political system that stands at the center of Hezbollah’s considerations. Barak believes that Hezbollah welcomes assistance from anyone willing to give it but is committed mainly to Lebanese public opinion. Not that the debate bypassed the Israeli intelligence community. A former senior member of the Military Intelligence Directorate admits that, at a certain stage, Hezbollah’s move toward elections caused the department to think that the organization was abandoning its extreme ideologies.
On the other hand, it was a chance to actually export the Islamic revolution. The Iranian project took off because of an ongoing rift between Tehran and Amal, which led to a decision in Tehran to undermine the secular organization. By 30 34 Days helping Hezbollah, Iran established a religious opponent to Amal, which would herald the revolution to every Shiite home in Lebanon. The immediate excuse was provided by chairman of Amal Nabih Beri’s joining the newly established “National Rescue Authority,” of which other members were Lebanese president Elias Sarkis and Christian leader Bashir Jemail.